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Review

"A landmark book."—Pauline Maier, Washington Post Book World". . . [A] romp through . . . personal notes and public papers . . . both well-researched and well-written . . . lively and idiosyncratic."—Scott Bernard Nelson, Boston Globe". . . [A] landmark book that demands the attention of everyone with a serious interest in the history of American politics."—Pauline Maier, Washington Post"[A] lively book."—David S. Broder, Washington Post"Admirable and entertaining. . . . Ms. Freeman evaluates the weapons of 'honor defense'—gossip, letters, newspapers and even dueling—and she does so with a vigor befitting the lively political culture of the 1790s."—Bill Kauffman, Wall Street Journal"Affairs of Honor isa romp through the personal notes and public papers of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr, and others who joined forces against the British monarchy and then fought one another about how to replace it. . . . [It] is both well-researched and well-written, providing a read nearly as lively and idiosyncratic as the Founding Fathers themselves."—Scott Bernard Nelson, Boston Globe"[Freeman’s] explanation of the rules by which elite politicians fought is important. It allows a fuller understanding of contemporary political writings and of events such as the Burr-Hamilton duel, the elections of 1796 and 1800, even the 1798 Sedition Act. . . . Because [the book] lets us see the past as contemporaries saw it and imaginatively understand what they did and why, Affairs of Honor is, indeed, a landmark book that demands the attention of everyone with a serious interest in the history of American politics."—Pauline Maier, Washington Post Book World"Freeman’s prose is lively, and she balances entertaining narrative with sharp analysis. The last few years have seen a spate of books about the founding fathers and the early republic: Freeman’s elegant study of honor and politics in the new nation will easily tower over most of them."—Publishers Weekly (starred review)". . . .[H]ard-hitting, fast-paced, comprehensively researched . . . one of the most intelligent and innovative studies in early American political culture. . ."—Andrew Burstein, American Scholar"[An] excellent and thought-provoking new study . . . a masterful command of primary sources . . . [that] reaches out to a general audience."—Marc M. Arkin, The New Criterion"[Freeman] has much to teach political theorists . . . historians [and] other[s] with a[n] . . . interest in how to live . . . [An] excellent book."—Harvey Mansfield, Weekly Standard"Sex-tinged scandals, political mudslinging, sectarian division, tabloid exposes: Bill Clinton may have had a bad time, but the Founding Fathers had it worse. . . . To judge by Freeman’s vivid anecdotes and smart analysis, it’s a wonder the republic survived the Founders. Good reading, especially for students of political culture and early American history."—Kirkus Reviews"Affairs of Honor .. . has much to teach political theorists and American historians, as well as other souls with a merely personal interest in how to live. . . . [An] excellent book."—Harvey Mansfield, Weekly Standard"A landmark revision of political history."—Chronicle of Higher Education"[A] landmark study of Hamilton and the founders."—Jeff Sharlet, Chronicle of Higher Education Winner of the Best Book Award in the field for 2001, sponsored by the Society for Historians of the Early American Republic"Affairs of Honor stunninglytransforms our understanding of the Founding Fathers and their political culture. Joanne Freeman reveals that in their half-Anglicized, half-democratic political culture, early American politicians bound themselves to the aims of reputation, regional loyalty, and, above all, honor. In addition, she brilliantly dissects the roles of gossip, self-vindicating articles and tracts, and discrete hierarchies of power. Duels, she persuades us, were fought to retain an insulted patron’s political alliances as much as to vindicate personal principle. Although alien to our notions of fairness, the actors in Affairs of Honor pursuedpower in ways not altogether different from the realities (and even sleaziness) of today’s partisanship. This dynamic and penetrating work will be debated—and increasingly appreciated—for many years to come."—Bertram Wyatt-Brown, University of Florida, author of Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in The Old South"Professor Freeman not only sheds new light on that complex code–cult?–of honor in American eighteenth-century life and politics which made inevitable the Burr-Hamilton duel, but she has also, à propos, written the clearest account to date of the presidential election of 1800, in which Jefferson and Burr tied for first place, causing Jefferson to behave with more than his usual subtlety while imputing, characteristically, bad faith to his rival Burr, who, according to their original agreement, raised not a finger in his own behalf and so behaved honorably. After two centuries, it is nice to know what really went on in that Dark Age when we had no kindly Supreme Court to determine our elections 5–4."—Gore Vidal"Affairs of Honor isa landmark work in the history of our national origins. With considerable style and grace, Freeman shows that the central story line must include such old-fashioned notions as honor and character, and that, in her capable hands, political history is once again alive and well."—Joseph J. Ellis, author of Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation"Affairs of Honor is a scintillating contribution to the recent revival of interest in the political culture of the early Republic. Joanne Freeman sensitively analyzes how matters of personal trust and its evil twin, suspicion, worked to complicate the transition from old patterns of gentry politics to the new modes of organized partisan competition. Vividly written and analytically incisive, Affairs of Honor heralds the debut of an imaginative and perceptive scholar."―Jack Rakove, Coe Professor of History and American Studies, and Professor of Political Science, Stanford University "Affairs of Honor isthe most important book that has been written on the origins of American politics in many, many years. Joanne Freeman’s work is enormously original, and the scholarship is impeccable. This book is a real breakthrough—we’ll never look at politics in this period in the same way."—Jan Lewis, Rutgers University

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From the Back Cover

"Admirable and entertaining." -Bill Kauffman, Wall Street Journal "The book [provides] a read nearly as lively and idiosyncratic as the Founding Fathers themselves." -Scott Bernard Nelson, Boston Globe "A landmark book." -Pauline Maier, Washington Post Book World "The book's virtues are mighty ones. Looking at Hamilton, Burr, and Jefferson through the lens of honor brings a logic to their actions that most histories have heretofore lacked." -New York Times

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Product details

Series: Yale Nota Bene S

Paperback: 384 pages

Publisher: Yale University Press (September 1, 2002)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 0300097557

ISBN-13: 978-0300097559

Product Dimensions:

5.2 x 1 x 7.8 inches

Shipping Weight: 10.7 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

4.4 out of 5 stars

28 customer reviews

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#425,637 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

Joanne B. Freeman’s Affairs of Honor: National Politics in the New Republic uses the framework of honor culture to explore the underlying motives that drove the founding generation’s decisions during the first three presidencies of the Early Republic. Freedman draws heavily upon social and political history and relies on close readings of the Founders’ own writing in order to reframe the work in a seventeenth and eighteenth century mindset free of twenty-first century biases.Freeman argues that, amid the chaos of the Early Republic, “the culture of honor was a source of stability in this contested landscape” (xv). Honor’s “ethic limited and defined acceptable behavior; its rites and rituals displayed superiority of character through time-honored traditions recognized the world over” (xv). Honor helped shape social relationships in a country without an aristocracy. Freeman defines honor as a public presentation, writing, “Honor was entirely other-directed, determined before the eyes of the world; it did not exist unless bestowed by others. Indeed, a man of honor was defined by the respect that he received in public” (xvi). Freeman structures her book into five case studies examining different aspects of honor. In the first, she uses a close reading of Pennsylvania Senator William Maclay’s public diary to demonstrate how politicians used public perceptions of honor to garner political clout with their constituents. The second case study examines the role of gossip in shaping concepts of honor and how it could challenge or reinforce a person’s public persona. The third case study uses this same methodology to examine what Freeman terms “paper war,” the use of public and private letters, newspaper publications, broadsides, and other written matter to define the limits of honor (105). Freeman’s fourth case study focuses on dueling, the most potent demonstration of honor. Finally, Freeman reinterprets the election of 1800 through the lens of honor in her final case study.In her first case study, Freeman writes of the role of honor in congressional oratory, “Given the importance of reputation, an attack on a man’s honor was the ultimate trump card…When honor was at stake, all else fell by the wayside, for a man’s sense of self and possibly his life were at risk” (28). Despite the usefulness of such an attack, it had its own hazards. As Freeman writes, “An insult to a man’s honor was a dangerous weapon that could explode in one’s face” (29). Those who engaged in too much vitriol or attacked persons of sound reputations might lose face themselves for such a loss of composure. In her second case study, Freeman argues that gossip served as a tool for sizing up political enemies and forming political alliances (66). Gossip relied on honest transmitters of gossip in order to have weight. Freeman writes, “A truthful man could be trusted; a liar was weak, untrustworthy, and inferior – in sum, he was no gentleman. To give the ‘lie direct’ was equivalent to striking a man: it became an immediate justification for a challenge to a duel” (67). Politicians linked their reputation to their political successes and alliances. Freeman writes, “In this highly political realm, an attack on a government measure was an attack on a politician, and an attack on a politician immediately questioned his honor and reputation” (69). This system served to unite politicians in a time before formal political parties. Unlike gossip, paper war posed a greater threat to its wielder as they committed their thoughts to the more permanent medium of print. Freeman writes, "A signed attack bore the clout of its writer’s reputation but risked it by thrusting him into the public eye. Unsigned publications offered the safety of anonymity, but without the authority of a name they had less power. A poor choice of medium could backfire…Hence the ongoing stream of letters from men seeking advice on paper war" (113). The authors sought to present themselves as gentlemen, thus leading to their dilemmas in engaging in print war. Freeman writes, “A gentleman was always true to his word; such was the very definition of gentleman. It was the central importance of truth telling to genteel status that made ‘giving the lie’ an insult grievous enough to demand a duel” (128). More to the point, “Print combatants often adopted the language of the duel” in their publications and counter-publications (132). Duels, naturally, were the purest manifestation of honor, though even they had rules to ensure the honor of combatants. Freeman writes, “…To early national politicians, duels were demonstrations of manner, not marksmanship; they were intricate games of dare and counterdare, ritualized displays of bravery, military prowess, and – above all – willingness to sacrifice one’s life for one’s honor. A man’s response to the threat of gunplay bore far more meaning than the exchange of fire itself” (167). The duelist who accepted a challenge thus proved himself worthy of political leadership (170). Finally, Freeman argues that Aaron Burr’s unwillingness to concede defeat and the political machinations that decided the election of 1800 all resulted from the interplay of these ideas of honor.Freeman bases her study on “thousands of letters, diaries, pamphlets, newspaper essays, and other assorted writings by roughly three hundred national political figures, their families, and friends” (292). Freeman benefited from the support and scholarship of Bertram Wyatt-Brown, author of one of the definitive volumes on honor culture, in her work. Freeman’s methodology borrows from Clifford Geertz’s methodology of cultural anthropology, especially in how she works to recapture the thoughts and emotions of her subjects and eschew twenty-first century understandings of honor culture.

This is a fascinating look at the early republic from almost a purely emotional point of view--specifically, the culture of honor that was intrinsic to gentlemen at the time (but which is pretty damned foreign to most people now). I now know the nuances involved in caning, spitting, and dueling, although I fortunately have little cause to use them in my daily life.I stumbled onto this book while researching something entirely different and was hooked. I'm so glad. For one, it's engaging, and although I'm over the Revolution of 1800 (see further: Election of 2000), Professor Freeman manages to put a new spin on it.Minor quibbles: the organization is a bit on the odd side (this may be a result of the topic itself, which is not particularly linear) and it does drag toward the end, but if you're interested in American history and politics (or American historical politics), I recommend it.

Freeman's survey of early American politics illustrates the discomforting fact that things don't change. When we hear of the bantering, lying, and mischief that occurs in contemporary politics we like to think back to a time when things were different. A time when things were simpler, issues were black and white, and politicians were men of principle and honor. Like, say, those men active in the early American Republic. With the exception of a few practices such as dueling (affairs of honor), antiquated media outlets, and the universal acceptance of "personal reputation as the currency of national politics" (one could now argue that currency is the currency of national politics), politicking hasn't changed much in two hundred years. The author sums it up best with a quotation from the period, "The man of honor does not care if he stinks, but he does care that someone has accused him of stinking."The politics of early America are detailed through the examination events, contemporaneous media, and journals. With this review of the past one fact can be determined over all others; politicians of early America, no matter their party affiliation, financial wealth, or the issues that form there time in office, held their own honor above all else. Given the information provided in the book, Freeman's assertion about "personal reputation" mentioned above is certainly accurate. Honor was the prized possession of any man, but especially that of the politician, due to the social changes that took place at the conclusion of the Revolution. When the war ended, so did the social hierarchical norm that consisted of aristocracy, heritage, land ownership (to a certain extent), and military prestige. Men in early America were left with little else but their reputation from which to hang their hat.The author provides the reader with the information necessary to understand why men were willing to duel at the drop of an insult and how the federal government was able to pass such an overreaching law as the Sedition Act (making it seditious to print libels against the government). After all, it was a mans duty to defend his reputation. While jockeying for position in a new federal government, these men had to balance their reputation, political affiliation, and local personas. It makes for interesting reading no doubt. The book is well written and researched. However, there are several areas that become difficult to follow (due mostly to chronology) and others that seem mundane and repetitive. Otherwise, excellent book.

which reveals early politics method (that are still being used today, but by different means.) This book gave me a completely different picture of what High School History book...etc. gave me of early American leads! This book's digital format leaves much to be desired, and because of this should have cost much less to purchase!!

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